LINGUIST List 14.1369

Tue May 13 2003

Review: History of Linguistics: Joseph (2002)

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  • Pius ten Hacken, From Whitney to Chomsky: Essays in the History of American Linguistics

    Message 1: From Whitney to Chomsky: Essays in the History of American Linguistics

    Date: Mon, 12 May 2003 23:32:23 +0000
    From: Pius ten Hacken <p.ten-hackenswansea.ac.uk>
    Subject: From Whitney to Chomsky: Essays in the History of American Linguistics


    Joseph, John E. (2002) From Whitney to Chomsky: Essays in the History of American Linguistics. John Benjamins Publishing Company, Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science 103.

    Announced at http://linguistlist.org/issues/14/14-180.html

    Pius ten Hacken, University of Wales Swansea

    The book under review is a collection of nine essays. Although they are by the same author and in the same subject field, they are very different in length (from 12 to 36 pages) and breadth (cf. the descriptions below). Each chapter can be read independently of the others. None of the chapters is a reprint of an earlier publication, but most are revised versions of or based on earlier articles published 1988-1999.

    Description of the individual chapters

    Chapter 1 ''The multiple ambiguities of American linguistic identity'' (1-17) contains some general thoughts on the development of the meaning of the expressions ''American language'' and ''American linguistics'' in the course of the past centuries. The main point of the argument is that there are several possible interpretations and that the prevailing one has shifted in the course of history.

    Chapter 2 '''The American Whitney' and his European heritages and legacies'' (19-46) consists of two parts. The first is a general characterization of Whitney's view of language and linguistics, which shows a shift of emphasis from a set of conventions belonging to the speech community to a tool for communication. The second traces Whitney's influence on Saussure, focusing in particular on their meeting in Berlin in 1879.

    Chapter 3 ''20th Century Linguistics in America and Europe'' (47-70) gives an overview of a hundred years of history of linguistics in just 24 pages. The leading questions concern the continuity and shift in the mainstream during this period and the opposition between American and European linguistics. The mainstream (historical linguistics, then structuralism, then generativism) worked towards autonomous linguistics modelled on natural science. Each mainstream movement also provoked a reaction (Humboldt, Croce, generative semantics) emphasizing the human context of language. From the 1970s the field has been too splintered to identify a mainstream. The opposition between American and European linguistics is cultural rather than geographic. It is sometimes hard to classify individual linguists, but the distinction is real because it determines what people read.

    Chapter 4 ''The Sources of the 'Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis''' (71-105) argues that the common assumption that Humboldt's ideas are at the origin of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis is at least incomplete, if not false. Since antiquity there have been two approaches to the relationship between common language and knowledge, one seeing language as metaphysical garbage to be disposed of, the other seeing it as a magic key to knowledge, when interpreted adequately. Sapir adopts the magic key perspective but is heavily influenced by the work of Ogden and Richards, who take a metaphysical garbage view. Whorf is influenced in addition by Madame Blavatsky's theosophical movement. The contradictions produced by these influences and the American structuralist position that language is autonomous were never resolved, which explains why the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis was never explicitly formulated as such by Sapir or Whorf.

    Chapter 5 ''The Origins of American Sociolinguistics'' (107-131) investigates the use of the term 'sociolinguistics' and the pursuit of sociolinguistic research before Labov's 1964 Ph.D. dissertation, which is commonly taken as the start of modern sociolinguistics. It concentrates in particular on the contribution by Paul H. Furfey and his Ph.D. students George N. Putnam and Edna H. O'Hern. They have been disregarded by later researchers because of Labov's disparaging comments in his Ph.D.

    Chapter 6 ''Bloomfield's and Chomsky's Readings of the 'Cours de linguistique g�n�rale''' (133-155) is devoted to an argument that the apparent contradictions between early and late Bloomfield and Chomsky in their interpretation of Saussure are the result of changes in their agenda. In the first part of the chapter, the author argues against Roy Harris's claim that Bloomfield was at first very favourable to Saussure, but later considers him as continuing 19th century psychologism. By a careful analysis of Bloomfield's writings in the 1920s, in particular his review of the 'Cours', the author shows that neither of Harris's claims is correct. In the second part, the development of Chomsky's attitude towards Saussure is sketched and explained as a result of an increasingly good understanding of the text as well as a gradual shift in agenda. The chapter ends with an emphatic statement that the existence of different interpretations of texts and the influence of the personal agenda on the interpretation of a text do not disqualify linguistics as a science. They are inherent in any reading of any text.

    Chapter 7 ''How Structuralist was 'American Structuralism'?'' (157-167) considers the different meanings of structuralism and their applicability to a number of American linguists. It is argued that Bloomfield is not a structuralist, but Chomsky is. He is not the earliest American structuralist, because Jakobson must be classified as American as well.

    Chapter 8 ''How Behaviourist was 'Verbal Behavior'?'' (169-180) takes a fresh look at Skinner's book and Chomsky's famous review of it. For two reasons it is strange that this review was generally taken by Chomskyan linguists to be the central attack against Post-Bloomfieldian linguistics. First, Skinner was not part of mainstream linguistics, but an experimental psychologist. In fact, much of Chomsky's criticism was shared by Post-Bloomfieldians, in particular the emphasis on phonology and syntax rather than words and collocations. Second, Chomsky actually shared with Skinner, as opposed to the Post-Bloomfieldians, the view that linguistics should come up with explanations rather than descriptions and should concentrate on language in the individual rather than in the community. The chapter ends with the suggestion that the question of whether Skinner's ideas were in fact defeated by Chomsky's review is more open than commonly assumed.

    Chapter 9 ''The Popular (Mis)interpretations of Whorf and Chomsky: What they had in common and why they had to happen'' (181-196) aims to explain why both Whorf and Chomsky became famous outside the field of linguistics mainly because of versions of their ideas about linguistic relativism (Whorf) and deep and surface structure (Chomsky) they never intended themselves. It does so by showing how public thought was influenced by discussions about propaganda and how this general atmosphere affected linguistics.

    EVALUATION

    The essays collected in this volume are all carefully researched, but in different ways, depending on the scope of the question dealt with. Archive material is used in particular for chapters 2, 4 and 5, and a personal interview with Edna O'Hern is referred to in chapter 5. Chapters 6 and 8 are based on scrutinizing published texts. In all cases, the essays show the author's fondness for detail, which gives the best results in instances where questions of a relatively small scope are studied. In order to fully appreciate the book, the reader has to enjoy following, for instance, the author's search through Whitney's diary and correspondence in order to find out as many details as possible about Saussure's encounter with Whitney.

    In this reviewer's opinion, the same method has less fortunate consequences in chapters with significantly broader topics. This applies especially to chapter 3, based on a chapter of the Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, Asher (1994). Treating a century of linguistics in 24 pages, the author still finds space to mention that the Springarn Medal, awarded annually by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, is named for the same Joel Springarn (1875-1939) who is the author of the unsigned summaries of Croce's theory of aesthetics which appeared in ''The Nation''. In this chapter in particular, but also in the others, the author seems to have had the aim of referring to as many people as possible with dates of birth and death. It might have been better to mention these dates in the index instead of burdening the text of the essays with them.

    At some points, the formulations contained in the text might raise an eyebrow, as in his discussion of misreadings on p. 134, where he states that people who die before others compile their main ideas are of particular concern here, ''Such was the case with Socrates, with Jesus and with Saussure.'' It seems unlikely that Saussure would have felt happy with this sentence.

    Even though the essays are generally very carefully researched, there are some points where the impression remains that individual statements are not quite correct. Thus at the start of chapter 8 there is a sentence implying that mentalism is compatible with the assumption that linguistic theory assigns rather than describes the structure of language. In this reviewer's opinion it would be a very strange type of linguistics which claims that language is in the mind of the speaker but that the theory of language assigns a structure to it independently of what is in the speaker's mind. In the presentation of Chomsky's theoretical development in chapter 6, there are also some formulations which seem to be at odds with Chomsky's intentions as expressed in his writings. First, ''a three-way distinction between D-structure, S-structure and surface structure'' (p. 153) strikes this reviewer as a misleading characterization of the Government and Binding (GB) model. In this model, ''surface structure'' is not a technical term for a level of representation on a par with D-structure and S-structure. Chomsky (1980) refers to surface structure in order to position the new GB-model with respect to the earlier model with deep and surface structures. Chomsky (1986:65) refers to ''actually observed forms with their surface structures'', which suggests that surface structure belongs to performance rather than to a model describing competence.

    The last remark leads to a second quibble which concerns the claim that ''By 1986, [...] 'competence' and 'performance' have disappeared from Chomsky's lexicon'' (p. 148). In fact, the reason why Chomsky (1986) does not mention these concepts is that he is addressing a different opponent, the conception of language as an abstract object such as proposed by Quine and others, rather than the behaviourist conception of language as a collection of utterances. This does not mean that Chomsky has abandoned the concepts of competence and performance or even the terms. The opposition between ''knowledge of language'' and ''the ability to use it'' is extensively discussed in Chomsky (1988:9-12), and Chomsky (1997:9) also uses the terms 'competence' and 'performance' for them.

    A final quibble concerns the place of semantics in the GB-model. The formulation ''In 1986, when 'semantic content' (re-dubbed Logical Form) has been reassigned to S-structure'' (p. 154) suggests a rather different role of LF than in Chomsky (1986:68). According to Chomsky, LF is NOT semantic content, but only the interface between syntax and semantics. It is a level of representation derived from S-structure, not a type of information assigned to it.

    The last few remarks should not give the impression that there are many such problematic statements. Rather, the essays are in general not only well-researched and thought-provoking, but also entertaining. Therefore the book is not only to be recommended for the specialist, but also for the linguist interested in the historical background of the field. The intention is less to make a particular linguistic point than to make sense of developments in the field as a result of the contributions of so many linguists who tried to select and integrate different observations about language into a linguistic theory.

    REFERENCES

    Asher, R. E. (ed.) (1994), Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, Oxford: Pergamon.

    Chomsky, Noam (1980), Rules and Representations, New York: Columbia University Press.

    Chomsky, Noam (1986), Knowledge of Language: Its Nature, Origin, and Use, Westport, CT: Praeger.

    Chomsky, Noam (1988), Language and Problems of Knowledge, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

    Chomsky, Noam (1997), Perspectives on Power: Reflections on Human Nature and the Social Order, Montr�al: Black Rose.

    ABOUT THE REVIEWER

    Pius ten Hacken is a lecturer at the School of European Languages of the University of Wales Swansea. He has a Ph.D. in English Linguistics and a Habilitation in General Linguistics from the Universitaet Basel. His main research areas include the history and philosophy of Chomskyan linguistics, as well as morphology, translation theory, and computational linguistics. http://www.swan.ac.uk/french/home_pages/ten-hacken_home_page.html